Political History of Pakistan (1951_1955)_ Instability Before Martial Law

Political History of Pakistan (1951–1955): Khawaja Nazimuddin & Muhammad Ali Bogra – From Assassination Shock to Constitutional Daydreams

Pakistan entered 1951 reeling from Prime Minister Liaquat Ali Khan’s assassination. What followed was a rapid-fire sequence of leadership crises. Khawaja Nazimuddin, a soft-spoken aristocrat, stepped into shoes far larger than his political footing. Two years later, diplomat-turned-premier Muhammad Ali Bogra arrived with foreign charm but the same domestic headaches. Together, their combined era (1951-1954) demonstrates how fragile Pakistan’s polity was before Ayub Khan ever dreamed of a coup.

1. Khawaja Nazimuddin (17 October 1951 – 17 April 1953)

Leadership Vacuum: Nazimuddin inherited a nation still moving refugees, balancing budgets, and fighting the First Kashmir War’s diplomatic fallout. Lacking Liaquat’s authority, he faced provincial jealousy and economic shortages—especially Punjab’s food crisis of 1953.

Second Draft Constitution, 22 December 1952: Nazimuddin tabled a document promising federalism and Islamic identity. The assembly never even voted; bureaucratic factions, language disputes, and clerical objections stalled it dead in committee.

Khatm-e-Nubuwwat Agitation (March 1953): Anti-Ahmadi rallies turned violent across Lahore. Student groups—Islami Jamiat-e-Talaba, Jinnah Students Federation—marched under religious banners. Martial law in Lahore revealed the army’s readiness to enter civilian space.

Dissolution & Aftermath: Governor-General Ghulam Muhammad dissolved Nazimuddin’s cabinet on 17 April 1953, claiming “administrative paralysis.” Parliamentarians cried foul, but the axe had fallen. Pakistan’s fragile democracy lost its second prime minister in 18 months.

2. Muhammad Ali Bogra (17 April 1953 – 11 August 1955)

The Diplomat Returns: Plucked from Washington’s embassy ballroom, Bogra landed in Karachi promising scientific diplomacy at home. Yet he met an economy on life support and a political class allergic to compromise.

Kashmir Negotiations & The Plebiscite Dream: Meeting Jawaharlal Nehru, Bogra floated UN-backed demilitarization plus a plebiscite. Newspapers hailed a breakthrough; hawks in Rawalpindi and Delhi scuttled it.

The Bogra Formula (7 October 1953): To soothe East-West rivalries, he proposed a bicameral legislature: 50-seat Upper House (equal per province) and a 300-seat Lower House (165 East Pakistan, 75 Punjab, 24 Sindh, 19 NWFP, 17 Balochistan). He mandated Supreme Court rulings align with Islamic principles.

One-Unit Seed Planted: Bogra quietly drafted plans to merge West Pakistan’s provinces. Sindhi and Baloch politicians fired warning shots; students rioted in Karachi. Yet bureaucrats insisted centralization was “efficient.”

Showdown with Ghulam Muhammad: As famine forecasts and budget deficits mounted, the Governor-General again flexed his muscles, dismissing Bogra on 11 August 1955. Two premiers down, a constitutional skeleton in limbo, and Pakistan no closer to stability than it had been in 1947.

3. Themes & Consequences (1951–1955)

  • Drafts without Adoption: Two constitutions proposed, none passed.
  • Religious Agitations: Khatm-e-Nubuwwat riots introduced sectarian veto politics.
  • Presidential Overreach: Ghulam Muhammad rewrote the rule book on cabinet dismissal.
  • Provincial Tension: Early talk of One-Unit fuelled Sindhi/Baloch alienation.

4. Legacy

Nazimuddin and Bogra tried to patch Pakistan’s constitutional hole but instead widened its political crater. Their combined legacy is a cautionary tale: charisma-free leadership plus presidential interference equals parliamentary impotence.

💬 Have Your Say: Was the Bogra Formula genuinely federal or simply cosmetic? Drop a comment below!

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